The Trickle-Down Lie
"Trickle-down" describes a theory no economist ever held. Sowell explains what people are really arguing about.
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"This election is a test, not just of opposing candidates, but of the voting public." Today on Uncommon Knowledge, the author of that quotation, one of the most influential economists and authors of our time, Dr. Thomas Sowell. Uncommon Knowledge now Welcome to Uncommon Knowledge. I'm Peter Robinson. Be sure to visit us on our website at hoover.org/uk or on Facebook at facebook.com/uncknowledge, facebook.com/unkknowledge. The author of more than 30 books and of a syndicated column that appears in more than 200 newspapers, Thomas Sowell holds degrees from Harvard and the University of Chicago, and has taught economics at institutions including Cornell, Amherst, and UCLA. Now a fellow at the Hoover Institution, Dr. Sowell has just released a new offering, a revision, just in time for the election, of his famous essay, Trickle-Down Theory and Tax Cuts for the Rich. Tom, welcome. Good. Quote, "This election is a test not just of the opposing candidates, but of the voting public." You wrote that this past summer. Explain yourself.
Well, it's not just a question of what the administration's doing. The question is the extent to which the public understands what they're doing, not only on particular issues like medical care or things like that, but about the whole way the country's governed. That is, if you can have a president who by executive order can nullify acts of Congress, can decide that some portions of the law that he likes will be enforced and other portions that he doesn't like will not be enforced, then we no longer have, the separation of powers. we have the executive, acting as the overruling, power in the nation.
You've also written, again this past summer, quote, "If this, if this year's election is going to be decided on the basis of hard facts, the Obama administration is doomed."
Yes.
What do you mean by that?
Well, th- the hard fact is that, we've had this enormous, s- length of time that u- unemployment has been up above 8%, and none of the expe- extraordinarily expensive things that have been done have made a real dent in it. and if people were going by things like that, and if they're going by what's happening internationally, that's not even counting the most recent things today of, Am- American, ambassador being killed in a country that's supposed to be going through the Arab Spring as the, as the administration says. that Iran is going towards nuclear weapons with no sign whatever of slowing down. North Korea's already got them. other countries are, siding with our enemies.
So- There's no success... so what you're saying, what you're saying is that this election more than most- Yes... represents a test of the democratic experiment, whether we can govern ourselves.
A- absolutely. A- and if by some miracle we get through, we have the good sense to, remove this president, the question is will we have learned a lesson, or will we turn off our common sense when there is the first woman president, you know, the first Asian president, the first Latin pres- I mean, are we so hung up on symbolism that we don't understand that being President of the United States means having the lives of 300 million people in your hands, and the future of people yet unborn? If we don't understand that, and we're willing to vote for people on the basis of symbolism, then we're lost.
Tom, let's apply common sense to one of the festivals of democracy, the Democratic National Convention. First Lady Michelle Obama, she begins by describing her father and Barack Obama's grandmother as decent people, hardworking people who sacrificed for her families, and then she says this.
So when it, when it comes to rebuilding our economy, Barack is thinking about folks like my dad and like his grandmother. He's thinking about the pride that comes from a hard day's work. That's why he signed the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act, to help women get equal pay for equal work. That's why he cut taxes for working families and small businesses and fought to get the auto industry back on its feet That's how he brought our economy from the brink of collapse to creating jobs again, jobs you can raise a family on, good jobs right here in the United States of America.
President Obama is giving us, quote, "Jobs you can raise a family on." Tom?
You know, it's, it's like someone once said, "It's like, it's like being a mosquito at a nudist colony. You don't know where to start." W- I mean, we're not gonna be in the air long enough for me to, to dissect all the falsehoods that this woman has put into those few words. -
Give us one...
Oh, okay. The jobs that you can raise a family on. The new jobs that are being created are disproportionately very low-income jobs. So, I don't know, how you're gonna be raising a family on a minimum wage type jobs or, flipping hamburgers at McDonald's. the other thing is that what is implicit in all of this is that the economy has no recuperative powers of its own, that all the benefits, all whatever recovery there have been, has been due to Barack Obama.
The- It's like the scene in Genesis where he's breathing life into the clay of the economy.
That's it. That's it. Now, w- w- anyone who's studied history knows that for the first 150 years of this country, fed- the federal government did not intervene when the economy turned down. In all that time, the downturns all corrected themselves. One of the, one of mo- one of the most classic examples was under Warren G. Harding. when he, his first year in office, he found the unemployment rate at 11.7%. He did absolutely nothing, and he did not spend more government money. He cut back government spending. the Federal Reserve had the, interest rates up at 6 or 7%, not down at 1% where they are now. the next year, unemployment was at 6.7%. The year after that, it was 2.4%. So, the economy has recuperative powers. I mean, employers have an incentive to hire people. Workers have an incentive to get jobs. Lenders have incentives to lend. So, are, is it your argument- They don't need somebody in Washington trying to micromanage all of this.
Your argument is not only- weak form of the argument. Barack O- we don't need Barack Obama to breathe life into the economy- Right... because it'll recover on its own sooner or later. Strong-
If Barack Obama stays out of the way.
That's what I'm saying. The strong form of the argument is Barack Obama's actually been holding it down.
No question. I mean, th- there's never been a, a, an, a recovery other than that of the Great Depression of the 1930s that took so long. under Ronald Reagan, in the early years w- got up to 9.7, percent annual unemployment. he did absolutely nothing. The media went crazy. The unemployment came down, and it kept right on coming down.
Right. All right, so common sense, use your head. One common sense question is what went wrong? How did we get into this mess in the first place? And Bill Clinton, once again, in, at the Democratic National Convention, explained the answer.
Yes.
In Tampa, the Republican argument against the president re-election was actually pretty simple, pretty snappy. It went something like this: We left him a total mess He hadn't cleaned it up fast enough, so fire him and put us back in.
The Republicans created the mess.
The, th- this shows that Clinto- that Clinton, is truly a masterful politician. And to be a masterful politician, you have to have a lot of brass. And it takes an incredible amount of brass for Bill Clinton, who was the bi- who was the biggest factor in creating the housing boom that led to the bust that brought down the whole economy. it was during the Clinton administration that the federal government forced lenders to change their lending standards, which had been in place for decades and had made real estate one of the safest investments around, bring those standards down in order that they can get the numbers that they want for low-income, minority, et cetera, mortgage, applicants.
Barney Frank, the ranking Democrat on the House committee that oversaw Freddie Mae and Fannie Ma- Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae said, quote, "I'm willing to roll the dice- Yes... on Freddie and Fannie." Meaning?
He would, he would take, he'd be willing to take the chance that the standards were being brought down too low. More than that, Attorney General Janet Reno, under the Cli- under Clinton, threatened lenders with legal, with legal action from the Justice Department if their numbers, in terms of groups and then income levels of people who were approved, didn't fit her preconceptions. HUD, under Clinton, took, made lawsu- lawsuits against, lenders, charging them with racial discrimination based solely upon statistics.
So Tom, g- give me for the layman a three-sentence summary, a t- soundbite kind of summary of what caused the mess we're in. It was not a failure of the market. It was a failure of-
The government forcing people to lower the in- the lending standards that had existed for years. and they said, well, the problem was blamed on greed. You don't satisfy greed by lending to people who can't pay you back.
All right. you insist, you insist once again that if we base this election on the facts, the Obama administration would be, quote, "doomed." But listen to President Obama himself, last clip from the Democratic National Convention.
If you believe that new plants and factories can dot our landscape, that new energy can power our future, that new schools can provide ladders of opportunity to this nation of dreamers, if you believe in a country where everyone gets a fair shot, and everyone does their fair share, and everyone plays by the same rules, then I need you to vote this November.
All right. New plants and factories, new energy, new schools, and a fair shot. What's wrong with that?
I, I wonder if the fair shot includes the taxpayers. But, the, we've had, we've had things, we've had factories before there was Barack Obama, on, hard as it, that is to believe. You know? and, we've had less of it since he came in.
Okay, Tom, so let's, let me ask this question, which is politically incorrect, which makes it all the more important to ask. Some component of the voting public voted for him last time around as an act of national expiation- Yeah... because it, they felt... And I f- I frankly, I can, I could feel it myself. We were all proud, even those of us who supported the opponent, were all felt proud the following day that the United States of America, the Constitution takes slavery into account, the Civil War, but finally we have a Black man as President of the United States. All right. That's perfectly understandable. We unders- we, we know that took place. Four years later, what about the argument that it is so important for him to get this right, so important as a continuation of this national act of expiation and healing and so forth, that in some way it's only right to give him, frankly, more slack than you might-
Affirmative action for presidents
Well, there you go. I suppose that's what it amounts to. I guess you don't buy that one.
Well, when you realize that the President of the United States has the lives of 300 million people in his hands, he has the future of Western civilization in his hands, he has the freedom that has been inherited f- over the centuries in his hands, and he's already starting to dismantle that, I really don't think this is a question of any individual, whoever's in the White House, being cut any slack. The last thing you need to do is cut slack to people who have power over 300 million other people.
All right. Segment- Cut
some slack for those 300 million people
Segment two, trickle-down theory and tax cuts for the rich. Thomas Sowell in his new booklet, quote, "At various times and places, particular individuals have argued that existing tax rates are so high that the government should, would collect more tax revenues if it lowered those tax rates," close quote. Explain that argument.
Oh, the argument is based on the belief that, people will change their behavior as you change the tax rates. those of the left often act as if, human beings are just like inert blocks of wood or like chess pieces that you can move around on the, on the chess board or put wherever you want to carry out some grand design. But of course, people react to these things. Now, it's a theory, it's a hypothesis, and you could test it. Almost never is it tested. Hmm. People then, people instead say, "Oh, you just wanna give tax cuts to the rich."
Right. Now, you note in this booklet, brief as it is, you cover a lot of ground here You write about various times and places people have advocated this, and you note several in particular. Republican Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon argued for lower tax rates in the '20s. Democratic President John Kennedy argues for tax cut, cuts in the tax rates in the 1960s. Republican President Ronald Reagan, lower tax rates in the '80s, and then George W. Bush lowers tax rates once again in the 2000s. Four experiments, as it were -... one by a Democrat. In each of those four cases, what was the effect on the economy?
The effect on the economy was to increase the rate of growth, increase the revenue received by the government. The rich not only paid more taxes after the tax cuts for the rich, as they call it, they paid a higher percentage of all taxes. and this started back in the 1920s. in the early '20s, the tax rate on the top income was 70, 73%. the r- and the r- and the people making over $100,000 paid something like 30% of all taxes. By the end of the decade, the tax rate on the top had been cut to 24%. People making over 100,000 now paid 65% of all taxes, and the reason's quite simple, that when you have the tax rate at 73%, people simply don't pay it. They put their money into tax-exempt securities and arrange their financial affairs. So what we're really talking about are do you want a symbolic high tax rate on the high-income people to win votes politically, which the, which the rich themselves are not gonna pay, or do you really want, more tax revenue coming into the government?
So the argument you say, it's, it's, it's an empirical matter. Yeah. It can be tested. It has been tested - It has been... four different times. -huh. And it always worked.
That's right.
All right. in Trickle-Down Theory and Tax Cuts for the Rich, you quote such liberal heroes, progressive heroes as Woodrow Wilson and John Maynard Keynes on the importance of keeping tax rates modest. The Keynes quotation is especially striking. Quote, John Maynard Keynes, "Taxation may be so high as to d- as to defeat its object. A reduction of taxation will run a better chance than an increase of balancing the budget," close quote. Then you, Tom Sowell, write, "At this point there was not yet a sharp partisan difference on lowering high tax rates," close quote.. When did this sharp partisan difference emerge? What happened?
In the second half of the 20th century.
And on account of what?
I guess over time, the Democrats moved further and further left, and so you had in the party only th- those people who thought it was wonderful to raise tax rates on high-income people.
Segment three, trickle-down and millionaires. Now, the attack on this theory, which has been tested and shown to work. President Obama in December of last year, "The market will take care of everything, they tell us. Jobs and prosperity will eventually trickle down- Yeah... to everyone else." In April of this year, "During the Bush years, the wealthy got wealthier, but prosperity sure didn't trickle down." In July, this past summer, for Barack Obama, "We've tried it their way. It didn't work. We were told that prosperity would start at the top and then trickle down." Close quote. Where does this trickle d- where does this phrase trickle-down come from?
Oh, I don't know. It was as far back as the f- as the first, as the, Roosevelt administration. there is absolute, it is a, an incredible, like, thing. It's, there is a nonexistent theory that is constantly being attacked. some years ago in my newspaper column, I challenged anybody to cite any economist outside of an insane asylum who had ever made that argument. Nobody ever th- ever came up with a single person.
So when Barack Obama says in this past July, quote, "We were told that prosperity would s- Ask him who told him.
Nobody told him.
Nobody told him. No economist has ever held that? No. No politician has ever said it?
I don't know of anybody who's ever said it. In fact, when I put this out and I, when it went out, a nationally syndicated column, various people, wrote me and said, "Well, so-and-so said this. So-and-so said it." But sh- find me the person who said it. I don't wanna hear how A said that B said. Find me B and show me where he said it. And that was years ago. Not one example has been offered.
All right. So trickle-down economics is not- a political theory. It is a political... I beg your pardon, it's not an economic theory, it is a political hack phrase used-
It's a caricature
caricature.
Yeah. In other words, the ar- the argument really is not that they, that you should put m- more money in the hands of the wealthy. It, it's also part of a zero sum conception of the economy. There's the thought that if, you cut the tax rates on the rich, why then there'll be less taxes for the government, or you'll have to raise the taxes on other people to make up the difference or cut programs and so forth. So that, that I hear all the time. It drives me crazy.
So what, so what about this notion George Bush, it was a giveaway, that George Bush cut taxes on the rich, and if he had not done that, the budget would be much closer to balance. He was just giving it away. Well, and, well, and- It's pointless. The sheer pointless- And,
and yes. but in, but in the, in the, in the, in the paper I point out where the New York Times itself says, you know, there's been an unexpectedly large, increase, in tax revenues from the wealthy and from corporations which has, reduced the, projected budget deficit. And, of course, yes, expectations are in the eyes of the beholder.
Unexpected by The New York Times.
unexpected by The New York Times, exactly. All right. But that's exactly what people have been expecting for more, at that point, three-quarters of a century, and which had been happening, and The New York Times just chose not to, understand it.
President Obama once again at the Democratic National Convention addressing, he might as well, he and his speechwriters might as well have composed this passage for you- Tom Sowell. President Obama talking to Tom.
Oh, my goodness.
Now, I've cut taxes for those who need it. Whoo. Middle-class families-... small businesses. But I don't believe that another round of tax breaks for millionaires will bring good jobs to our shores or pay down our deficit.
I don't believe tax cuts for millionaires will bring jobs to our shores or pay down our deficit. So there, Tom.
There you are. It so happens that, that both those things happened in the '20s after Mellon finally got his tax cuts on the,... And they were across the board tax. These were not tax cuts for millionaires. But a- it was precisely after the tax cuts that the government revenue increased, and they brought down the national debt by about, one fourth, as a result of the money pouring into Washington.
Governor Romney at the Republican National Convention.
And fifth, we will champion small businesses, America's engine of job growth. That means reducing taxes on business, not raising them.
Governor Romney, that was the fifth of a five-point economic plan. He has proposed during the campaign reducing all personal income tax rates by 20%. Hm. But in this, his full-dress speech to the convention and the nation, he never mentioned tax cuts. The closest he came was tax cut ra- rates, cutting tax rates. The closest he came was talking about this reducing taxes on businesses that we just heard. So What are we to make of that? He actually has something of the position you're arguing he oughta have, but he doesn't want, seem to wanna talk about it.
Well, that's, that's the problem with Republicans, that they really don't go out there and, and make the case. You know, -
They're ri- they like to be right in secret.
That's right.
Okay. Segment four here, the stakes. Tom Sowell this past summer, quote, "The America that has flourished for more than two centuries is being quietly but steadily dismantled by the Obama administration," close quote. Now, you note the way the Obama administration has used executive orders to waive provisions of the No Child Left Behind Act, and to repeal, your word, the legal requirement that welfare recipients must work.. He's the president, Tom. Doesn't he get to make adjustments in this law or that law?
Well, he didn't... The, oath that he took, of office was that he would faithfully execute the laws. Now, I don't think they meant execute in the same way that the mafia means it.
Thomas Sowell on Obamacare. Quote, "Obamacare imposes huge costs on some institutions, while the president's waivers exempt other institutions from having to pay those same costs." The law says you've gotta do this, and over here we have the Secretary of Health and Human Services granting a waiver to this person or that entity or this, waivers taking place over here. Well, it's legal. Nobody seems to have sued them for that.
One of the great problems is that people do not react. I mean, when all is said and done, the Constitution of the United States, is a set of words on pieces of paper. The only way that the Constitution can protect us is if we protect the Constitution. I- if we rise up and revolt, if we vote out of office people who violate the Constitution, then of course it will mean something. If people can do this, say a few pretty words, and we say, "Oh, well," then the Constitution will, over time, erode to the point where it will mean absolutely nothing. There'll be nice words on paper, but people with power will just do what they feel like.
What about those nine people in black robes who sit in, on the bench across the street from the United States Capitol? Isn't it the job of the Supreme Court of the United States to defend the Constitution?
It is, but they alone can't do it. And more importantly, if Obama gets reelected, he's probably gonna have one or maybe two more members to appoint, and from that point on, it will just be a rubber stamp for whatever he chooses to do.
The fundamental champion of the United States Constitution must be the people of the United States
Absolutely. Absolutely. If they don't care, it'll, it'll be, it'll be walked. Already we have the Senate violating the explicit rule of the Constitution that each year they must present a budget to the pu- to the public.
It's been three and a half years without a budget now.
Tha- that's right. Now, as long as no one does anything about it'll, it'll go on. And whenever it's inconvenient for the, any administration to reveal what they're gonna do, then they'll, then they simply won't present a budget.
All right. From the constitutional argument to the economy, Tom Sowell, quote, "We are not yet Greece, but we are not exempt from the rules of arithmetic that caught up with Greece. We have just a little more time." Close quote. so what's going to go wrong? Let's assume Barack Obama- Well- For the m- for the moment, let's assume Barack Obama wins re-election. What bad things happen?
For one thing, we start running out of money. Ju- and that's the problem of Greece. See, the secret of the welfare state is you can do almost anything in the short run, juggling money from here to there and so on, but in the long run, the arithmetic, can't be ignored, and in the long run, you're gonna run out of money, which is what's happened in Greece, which is starting to happen in Spain, and which can happen, in the United States
So you're an optimist. That is to say, the welfare state against which you have devoted enormous professional energies over lo- these several decades now is about to come to an end one way or the other.
That's right. They, what, but it makes a difference how it comes to an end.
Okay. So that's, that's what I'm try- what, what feels diff- I mean, look, we have eight point, eight point something or other percent unemployment. As a matter of fact, if the same number of people were still in the workforce as were when President Obama took office, the unemployment rate would be 11%. Yeah. The economy's really bad.
Yeah.
But by historical standards, it's still a wealthy country. It is. People can get by. Journalists are already defining this state of affairs as the new normal. So really, four more years of Barack Obama does what to us? We can, we can s- we can skate by, Tom.
The question's how long can you skate? Greece discovered that there does come a point where, where there is no more money. In Spain, people are already leaving Spain in drove and taking their money out of the, out of the Spanish banks with them. one of the, one of the things that you could, you can do in the long run or be forced to do is simply print more money. And as they pr- as they print more money, that is simply a hidden form of taxation. I mean, when the Federal Reserve creates money to buy government bonds and keeps the interest rate low in order to k- make the price of the debt, service low, what that means is that if you have your money put aside in the bank and, and y- and you're getting 1% and the inflation rate is 3%, that means they're taking 2% of your, savings, every single year. And you know how compound interest is.
That's right.
and even under the current conditions, in, $100 bill in 1998 would not buy as much as a $20 bill would've bought in 1960. So the, the thievery that goes on through inflation is huge.
Even when inflation is relatively modest.
That's right.
All right. Segment five, tipping point. We've talked about the politics and economics of the present moment, but I'd like to ask you about deeper changes in the nature of the country itself. This past summer you wrote this sentence, heartbreaking sentence, "It is painful for me to realize that youngsters growing up in the same places in Harlem where I grew up more than 60 years ago have far less chance of rising economically, educationally, or otherwise." Yes. Close quote.
Yes.
Why do they have far less chance? They dress in better clothes. They have color televisions they're watching now
And if, and if that was what makes for success, we'd be in good shape. they don't ha- get a decent education. I mean, I, I had to pay, a lot of money for my daughter to go to a private school to get an education almost as good as I got from a public school when I was growing up in Harlem. You know, All right.
So public education has declined. Illegitimacy. Percentage of children born out of wedlock in 2009 among African Americans, 72%, Hispanics over half, among whites more than a third. And the ef- and of course, all of this has been rising- Yes... rising remarkably steadily. The line just continues. The effects of illegitimacy on American life?
There are two things. There's the lack of, a, it's the one-parent family.
Right.
The illegitimacy is the way we can measure it statistically.
Right,
right but if you had, if you had, you know, what used to be called common law marriage in which hus- wives stayed together for the whole time, there'd be two parents.
Right. So what you were really measuring is one-parent families.
That's right. Right. Okay. That's right. my gosh, I mean, the crime statistics, almost any statistics you look at, people raised in one-parent families by mothers, the crime rate among them is vastly greater. The poverty rate is vastly greater. If you look at, Black husband, wife families- -hmm... their poverty rate has been in single digits every year since 1994.
So it's not race, it's not ethnicity, it's whether you can manage to stay married.
That's right.
All right. Once again, Tom Sowell this past summer, quote, "Harlem was not an idyllic community by any means, but it had values that mattered in our daily lives, and common decency was, in fact, common." The sense that the moral grounding of American life is dissolving
Absolutely
Why is this... You know, you read some people who say, "It's capitalism. It's the free market that tends to dissolve- Yeah... the values that make the capitalism possible in the first place."
It's wonderful how, how long, how long it took capitalism to have that effect, and it only had that effect after the welfare state came in, and that was true on both sides of the Atlantic. If you read, Theodore Dalrymple's, stories of the, of the white lower class in Britain, you think he's talking about, the worst, ghettos in the United States. Yeah. And none of the factors that are supposed to explain what's happening in the w- g- ghettos in the United States, apply to the white w- working class in Britain. What the similarity is that in both cases you had the welfare state intelle- intellectuals create an atmosphere that undermined all sense of self, responsibility, which said that all kinds of, morality were just a, were just a joke, and if people start believing that, then they'll behave in w- ways that make it impossible to have a decent life.
Hm. Last question about the underlying changes in the country. my friend, John Hinderaker, writes on the Power Line blogs site, and he was... As we tape this today, who knows a week from now or two weeks from now, but as we tape this today, the election is fundamentally tied between Obama and Romney. And John Hinderaker wrote, "This election should be a cakewalk for the Republicans." He agrees with your point- Yes... that if it were j- being decided on the facts, Obama would be doomed. Why isn't it? "I'm afraid," writes John Hinderaker, "the answer may be that the country is closer to the point of no return than most of us believed. With over 100 million Americans receiving federal welfare benefits, millions more going on Social Security disability, many millions on top of that living on entitlement programs, not to mention enormous amou- numbers of public employees, we may have gotten to the point where the government economy is more important in the short term than the real economy." Yes. Close quote. Every word of that rings true to you?
Yes. The Republicans, I think, have a notion that because so many people are unemployed and on food stamps, that is a, is a negative for Obama. Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected in a landslide after ha- having, an unemployment rate higher than Obama's. The... There was not a single month in the first term of Franklin D. Roosevelt when unemployment was not in double digits, and in a number of months, the unemployment was over 20%, and he won the biggest landslide in American history. So th- the people who think that the economy is the key, that you can't win if your unemployment is 8%, forget it.
So folks like you and me who can remember 1980, the election of 1980, Reagan versus Carter, and there's a lot of talk that this is the most consequential election, in 2012, since 1980 But things are worse now than they were in 1980.
Yeah.
The underlying fundamentals of the co- You'd agree with that?
Yes, absolutely.
All right. So a moment ago, I asked how America would be different if President Obama were reelected, and your answer is we're, we move very quickly toward Greece. -hmm. Question: How is the country different if Mitt Romney is elected? How... To what extent can he address, well, the immediate economic problem, but how to what extent can he go deeper and address the underlying moral problem, the t- breakup of the family, the, these difficulties we've been discussing?
Well I don't think that, he's able to do that in one term. I think if he c- if he can just stop the,... It's like as if someone could have plugged the leak on the, Titanic. That's what... That would've been better.
That would've been a lot better.
Yes.
All right. Okay. So the, so the, so your agenda for Mitt Romney, and you believe... So two questions. Is this your agenda for Mitt Romney, and is it within- the ambit of actual possibility if he's elected, one, fix the economy in the short term. No.
No? I don't want him to fix the economy. I want him to stop politicians from trying to fix the economy. That's what's caused the problem. When we ha- when we ha- we had 150 years when nobody thought it was the president's job or anybody else in the government's job to fix the economy, the economy fixed itself.
All right. A couple days ago, I put up a post on Ricochet letting people know that I'd be interviewing you, and asking Ricochet members what questions they'd like to hear you address, and there were dozens of replies, but one theme, and the theme was this: "Ask Dr. Sowell what grounds he sees for optimism." Tom?
Well, I'm not usually a dispenser of optimism. I'm,
I'm asking you to force yourself.
It's tough, but I'll try. I think Romney knows that all these bright ideas that they're constantly coming up with in Washington have a negative effect, even if the ideas themselves aren't so terrible. Because what it means is that if you're gonna invest, let's say, just for three years, a- and it's gonna take three years for this to pay off, you don't know what the rules are gonna be, of the game are gonna be three years from now. Right. And Obama has stocked the federal bureaucracy with people who think it's their job to come up with unending lists of bright ideas to stop mortgage foreclosures, to do this, to do that, to do the other. There are no rules, and y- and the one thing that has been crucial to economic prosperity here, in other countries, and in other centuries, has been having a set of dependable rules under which people can invest, because investment means putting money out right now in hopes of getting it back. you have, you don't, when you don't have that hope, 'cause you don't know what new costs will be imposed on you and so forth, then you hang onto your money. This idea that the Federal Reserve has to create more money at a time when both the banks and businesses have record-breaking amounts of money sitting idle, the question is why is it idle? It's idle because they're afraid to invest it.
All right. Last question. You've become famous in recent years for remarking, famous to me anyway, that you're not terribly worried about the country's future because you're no longer worried about the future. Now, I'm not gonna let you do that. You've got grandchildren. For that matter, we know that this program is especially popular among college students. So let us ask about the 18, 19, 20, 21, 22-year-olds who are watching this program and saying, "Well, all right, Dr. Sowell may have turned 80, but I'm young."
hmm.
"I value liberty. I want to do what I can to preserve this republic." What is your advice to them?
Oh, gosh. Well, f- number one, get out, get out there and v- and vote Obama out of office before he makes things even worse. Social Security is not gonna be there for them the way, the way it is set up right now. Something is gonna have to be done. Now, anyone who's proposes doing something will be accused of being heartless and wanting to get rid of Social Security. Now, arithmetic will get rid of Social Security if you don't do anything. So it's not a question. You don't have a, you don't have the option to just let Social Security keep going. people, this is the reason for the welfare states of Europe being in such turmoil, riots in the street, and, austerity and, unemployment rates over 20% and so on, is the chickens have come home to roost. You have unfunded mandates out there. You pr- you essentially promise people things. It's like giving them a, a generous check knowing that there's not enough money in the bank to cover it.
Right.
And now we're discovering that the hard way, and it's only a matter of time before the younger generation get there and discover that all the money they paid into Social Security went to pay the pensions of the previous generation, as well as other spending by Washington.
So what's really pernicious about the welfare state as it, as it nears the edge of the cliff and as we see it breaking down in Greece, is that people, very understandably, plan their lives around the notion that they'll be getting such and such a check for this and that they'll be getting healthcare for that, and then suddenly they discover that their plans are worthless. Yes. They've built their lives on certain expectations. So your advice to these 20-year-olds would be plan on reality, not on what the government is li- saying, not on the government's lies about the welfare state that will always be there to take care of you. Is that fair?
absolutely, and particularly in the case of Social Security. that what they need to do is put their money someplace where politicians can't touch it. That's what... That's the whole- Switzerland? No. No, I... That's the, that's the argument for putting it into private accounts. You see, if a, if a, if a private in- insurance company does what the Social Security system does, you can put the people in behind bars- Right in a federal prison.
Right. '
Cause you, they have to have enough assets to cover their liability, otherwise it's-
They're breaking the law.
That's right. Right. Congress can do that, but the private people can't, and that's why you shouldn't have the money, subject to Congress's direct control, but put it somewhere else.
All right. So the rallying cry with which we close today is vote Obama out.
Yes.
All right. Dr. Thomas Sowell, author of, most recently, this marvelous essay, Trickle-Down Theory and Tax Cuts for the Rich. Thank you, Tom. Thank you. I'm Peter Robinson for Uncommon Knowledge. Thanks for joining us.
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