Intellectuals and Society, Revisited
He returns to the book two years on. The pattern only got clearer.
- Interviewer
- Peter Robinson
- Program
- Uncommon Knowledge
- Topics
- Ideas, Politics
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Lightly cleaned for reading (117 of Sowell’s turns). Tap any timestamp to jump the video there.
Barack Obama, BA Columbia University, JD Harvard Law School, instructor in constitutional law at the University of Chicago. Are you impressed? Our guest today, Thomas Sowell, is not. Uncommon Knowledge now Welcome to Uncommon Knowledge. I'm Peter Robinson. Be sure to visit us on our website at hoover.org/uk or on Facebook at facebook.com/uncknowledge, facebook.com/unkknowledge. A fellow at the Hoover Institution, economist Dr. Thomas Sowell is the author of more than two dozen books, including the classic work A Conflict of Visions. Dr. Sowell's latest, Intellectuals and Society, a revised and expanded version of the original bestseller. Tom Sowell, welcome. Thank you. Segment one: What's wrong with the intellectuals? Tom, two quotations. Writing in 1981, historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr., who attended Phillips Exeter and Harvard and held positions as a professor at Harvard and later at the City University of New York. Arthur Schlesinger Jr., quote, "Those in the US who think the Soviet Union is on the verge of economic and social collapse are only kidding themselves." Close quote. Quotation number two. Speaking in 1982, only months after Arthur Schlesinger Jr., Ronald Reagan, a graduate of Eureka College.
In an ironic sense, Karl Marx was right. We are witnessing today a great revolutionary crisis, a crisis where the demands of the economic order are conflicting directly with those of the political order. But the crisis is happening not in the free, non-Marxist West, but in the home of Marxist Leninism, the Soviet Union. It is the Soviet Union that runs against the tide of history by denying human freedom and human dignity to its citizens. It also is in deep economic difficulty.
Tom, the professional, exquisitely educated intellectual, Arthur Schlesinger Jr., got it wrong. And Ronald Reagan, the graduate of a little school in the middle of the country, Eureka College, got it right. A decade after these two quotations, the Soviet Union went out of existence. How come?
Well, Arthur Schlesinger, is part of a long, and, one might say distinguished line of people who have been absolutely wrong, for, for decades and cent- and actually for centuries. So this is just one of many, statements that you could quote. It's not even the only time that Arthur Schlesinger Jr. was wrong by miles. He was wrong in attributing the, recovery from the Great Depression to Franklin D. Roosevelt. he was wrong in arguing that, the tax cuts were gonna make, by, under Andrew Mellon, were gonna make it, harder to, balance the budget. they not only balanced the budgets, they had a surplus and, paid down the national debt.
And even after John Kennedy's tax cuts, Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon-
Well, no, Andrew Mellon was ear- was earlier Oh... but in writing, but in writing retrospectively about it, he s- he said that, Mellon was very inconsistent in saying he wanted to reduce the national debt while cutting the tax rate.
Right.
Well, he cut the tax rate, but the tax revenues increased.
So, Arthur Schlesinger was wrong about the tax cuts of the '20s.
Yes.
And then when he served in the Kennedy White House, he resisted those tax cuts, which also worked. -hmm. And then he opposed Ronald Reagan's, he was wrong three times. So what is the, what is the pathology of intellectuals that, I mean, one condensation, an unfair, crude condensation, but it's, sort of gets at a point, of this book might be simply the fancier ed- your education, the more likely you are to be wrong.
Well, you, the more lik- But I would say there's something to that because the more likely you are to spout off about things you don't know anything about. The pro- the problem is that all of us have a narrow range within which we may be great. But a few steps outside that range, and we're totally lost. you know, Bobby Fischer d- didn't go around commenting, you know, on, on theories of evolution and stuff like that. he w- he was- Right... happy to play chess. and, but intellectuals, someone like who's a linguist like Noam Chomsky, he does, he didn't stick to linguistics. If he stuck to linguistics, we would nev- most people would never have heard of him.
So somehow or other, a fancy education seems to give people the feeling that they have been given... The diploma gives them permission to spout off about world affairs, politics, economics, when all they know is linguistics, or Arthur Schlesinger Jr.'s case, he knows a lot about the administration of Andrew Jackson- Yes 150 years before. s- w- why? What is it about having a fancy diploma that gives people the right to- It's
not only the diploma... waffle on? It's all, it's all just the general reputation of being an intellectual. and you don't have to go that far away. I mean, you know, a couple of years ago, there was a mountain lion killed here in Palo Alto, and all kinds of insane things were said by people at Stanford and whatnot about how terrible it was to kill this mountain lion. he was up in a tree near- It was-... where the school, where the school was about to-
And school was about to let out...
school was about to let out.
Yeah. I remember that. - The cops had been watching it all day. Yeah. It was in a tree in a neighborhood that, and when the school was about to let out, they thought, "We have no choice. We have-" I mean, pe-
people who may have been, you know, they may have been the world's authorities on existentialism or Mayan culture or whatever, they know nothing about mountain lions, and the, a- and the cops ha- have had to deal with this before, and they do know something about mountain lions.
Opposing Social Visions: Intellectuals and Society, quote, "At the heart of the social vision prevalent among contemporary intellectuals is the belief that there are problems and solutions." Yeah. Close quote. Explain that.
Well, the people with the vision of the anointed, as I call it, believe there are solutions and that intellectuals have the inside track in providing those solutions. Those with the opposite vision does- understand there are no solutions. There are trade-offs. And, you know, you can make this a little bit better by making something a little bit worse, or you can make it a little bit better by making something a lot worse. And, r- right now, for example, this mania for high-speed rail, there's no question if you're willing to pour enough money down the rathole, we can have high-speed rail.
We can have it.
They have it in Spain. one of the economics professors in Spain said, you know, "Not only are they not covering the operating costs, there's not been $1 collected towards the infrastructure." I mean, like, the rails and the trains, they haven't gotten $1 to pay for that. They're not even covering the cost of running the trains on a daily basis, you know, the conductors and the electricity.
So you've got, in Intellectuals and Society, you draw this contrast between what you call the vision of the anointed.. We, the anointed, because of our intellect, our superior... I'm, I'm I'm denigrating the view because I share your view that it's all nonsense. Yes. But it's not nonsense to them. So what's the fair way to put it? What is it, we-
They have more knowledge than other people
We know more than most people. That's right. Therefore, we are in a position to survey society, see specific problems, and propose solutions. That's one fundamental vision which runs through much of Western civilization, as you demonstrate here. And the opposing vision is commonsensical, tragic, you can't solve certain problems, we will all die. There is a, human beings are in some ways perverse. this would be the vision, you argue, of the Founding Fathers. You check ambition with ambition, checks and balances. Power is dangerous. So why is it, if you've got these two fundamental visions, the vision of the anointed and the tragic vision of life, and they run through much of Western civilization- Yes why is it the envision of the anointed that is the persistent temptation of intellectuals? Why are they drawn to that?
It g- it gives them a much bigger role in the world. I mean, if you believe in free markets, what about all these people who wanna have social justice? People just go out there, they make whatever deals they w- can with each other, work things out, and go on their way. And, here is all this unused brilliance standing on the sideline, watching with impotent rage.
The tragic vision confines intellectuals to the classroom. The vision of the anointed lets them run society. That's the difference?
Roughly.
So what you're saying is that it's just human pride. It's, it's, it's the, a kind of vulgar urge to power.
Oh, absolutely.
And nothing more than that.
Well, and that's, sufficient for many people.
All right. Segment two, the role of intellectuals in American life, intellectuals in society. Quote, "There has probably never been an era in history when intellectuals have played a larger role so- in society than the era in which we live." Close quote. How come?
Well, for one thing, for most of history, you had autocratic governments. You had kings, you had emperors, and so on. And, the, and the wa- and what the people thought didn't matter an awful lot. On a, in a democracy, what the people think matters a lot. And so, and also, in, in later times, you have a more prosperous society where we can afford, from a financial point of view, to send more and more people through colleges and universities and to, and support books and things like that, much more so than in the past. And now you have people out there who fundamentally don't really know much beyond what their specialty might be, creating a certain, vision of life in the electorate, which the people with the holders of power have to take into account.
So the intellectuals are able to dominate, perhaps is the word, the climate of opinion- Yes in a republic of 300 million people.
Yes, and, well, classic example was the era between the two world wars, where the intellectuals were all in favor of disarmament. Even while Hitler was arming Germany and when Japan was arming and so forth, they were saying we should disband the RAF, the British, some, the British intellectuals and so on. - And, a- and, and it was not that they convinced the holders of power. The holders of power understood that Germany was rearming secretly even before Hitler took power.
You make this point. Stanley Baldwin, then the British prime minister- Yes... saw what Hitler was up to.
Oh, yeah. The British and French intelligence services both knew this. The public didn't know this, and Baldwin was not about to tell the British public that the Ge- Germany was rearming because the c- clear implication was that Britain must re- rearm. And the, intellectuals had made rearmament, you know, poison politically.
And his professional opinion as a, as a working politician was that the climate of opinion was such that the, that British democracy couldn't bear the truth- That's right because of what the intellectuals had done to the- Yes... th- through the journals and newspapers and the chattering classes, so to speak. Yes. And what about Vietnam? Lyndon Johnson.
Oh g- oh, my gosh, that, the Tet Offensive was, hailed by the, intellectuals as a, as a, as a huge defeat for the American military forces. A- after the communists took over, won the war, took o- took over South Vietnam-
Tet Offensive is '68. the communists finally win in '73.
Yeah. the communist leaders themselves said they were devastated by the Tet Offensive. They never won a military battle ag- against American forces the whole time the Vietnam War went on. But in the newspapers, the, the Tet Offensive was, depicted as a great defeat for the United States.
So Lyndon Johnson and the military conducting the war in Vietnam knew that we had, in effect, that we had won, not in effect won, that we had won that engagement, the Tet Offensive- Oh,
the communists w- knew
Everybody knew- Every- except the intellectuals
Everybody.
And Lyndon Johnson, instead of prosecuting the war, is forced to announce toward the end of 1968 that he is not going to run for re-election. That's the moment when America effectively surrenders in Vietnam- Yes... because the climate of opinion got, the, it, because the intellectuals got things wrong.
They dominated the climate of opinion, and if, in a democracy, if the people believe the war is unwinnable, then it's unwinnable.
Intellectuals in Society, "Ideological differences based on beliefs about facts, causation, human nature, and the character and distribution of knowledge are ultimately questions about different perceptions of the real world, leading to hypotheses which can be tested empirically." Close quote.. Now, everybody who's been to college and high school knows that what you've just described is the intellectual method. You come up with a hypothesis, and you test it against reality.. And yet you argue here that the least interested in actual empirical tests, testing- hypothesis, testing ideas against reality- are intellectuals. Why?
Because there are many talents. They have a huge ego stake in, in a given set of conclusions. See, in other words, it's very asymmetrical. I mean, if you believe in free markets and, you know, traditional values and so forth, there is no exaltation that comes with that. You're just somebody who believes in free markets and traditional values.
On the contrary, there's a certain humility that comes with it. Yes. You say, "Look, the market knows more than I do."
Yes.
"The traditional moral wisdom of the ages knows more than I do.". You humble yourself before the wider world, right?
Yes.
Okay.
But, but if, but if you believe in social justice and saving the environment, you know, I mean, you're really something. And so they, the people with that viewpoint have a huge ego stake. The... And empirical evidence is, like, gambling all of that on, on a roll of the dice.
Ah, okay. They don't want to test for, for fear that they might be proven wrong.
Yes.
They don't want to know the answer. Again, intellectuals in society, quote, "Intellectuals on issues ranging across the spectrum from pol- housing policies to laws governing organ transplants have sought to have decision-making discretion taken from those directly involved, who have personal knowledge and a personal stake, and transferred to third parties who have neither and who pay no price for being wrong." Close quote. So again, this counter common sense, you know what's best for your health, therefore, we must make the decision in a bureaucracy in Washington.
That's right.
How......
Well, you've been told all your life, and many of these people have, from an early age, they were in the class for bright, gifted children. They were the ones who got into the good high schools. They were the ones who were accepted in colleges that accept, less than 10% of the applicants. they've heard this all through their lives. And after a while, they must, in all due modesty, believe it.
All right. the percentage of Cabinet appointments with experience in the private sector, the administration of Dwight Eisenhower, almost 60%. George W. Bush, over 50%. Barack Obama, barely 20%.
Yes.
What are we to make of this?
That there is a reason why things have declined the way they have. That people of that sort have a track record. I remember years a- ago encountering a fellow who had been a teaching, s- a fellow at Harvard when I was an undergraduate, and I said to him, " I've been noticing that whenever there's a great disaster, there always seems to be a Harvard man in the middle of it." He, he said, "Ha- have you noticed that, too?" You know, I mean, think of McNamara and the Whiz Kids and the Vietnam War. You know, think of the Ford Foundation. W- who was the Harvard man in charge of that? I think it was Bundy.
Sounds right.
Yeah. you know, he m- he launched this whole notion of subsidizing community activists as the answer to the racial problems. Of course, they have every... Community activists have every incentive to exacerbate the problem to, to the fullest.
Hmm.
I mean, calm would be the end of their job.
So why... I'm st- just still trying to get at this contrast between the growing role of Amer- of intellectuals in American life, which has taken place not only in our lifetime, but in the lifetime of somebody who's in college this very day. You can see it expanding over the last quarter of a century or so. Why should that be taking place now? Why should the, why should intellectuals have a growing role, and why should the nature of intellectuals have changed? If you look at the founders-... Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, quite different characters and temperaments. These were both extremely well-read. John Adams was a Harvard man.. And yet you don't get... What you get, I th- I would argue, and I think you'd agree, but I put it to you get the sense over and over again, particularly in Adams, you get it in John- in Washington, you certainly get it in the Constitutional debates, it's the tragic vision of life.
Oh, no question.
Power is dangerous. We need to hem this in. We need to devolve as much power as we can to ordinary people. Now, why is it that the founders should have grasped that, and intellectuals today just don't see it at all?
Well, first of all, these people did not make their living as intellectuals.
Ah.
They did not make their living even as politicians, most of them. Right. Most of them had, they had day jobs, and when, the, the rebellion against Britain started, they put that aside for the, for the time being to go into politics and to try to d- write up a constitution and all those kinds of things. But they were not intellectuals in the sense in which I define it as people who earn their living, by producing a final product, which is simply ideas.
Right. Segment three, intellectuals condescending. Intellectuals and society, quote, "Intellectuals give people who have the handicap of poverty the further handicap of a sense of victimhood."
Yes.
Close quote. Explain that, Tom.
They ex- intellectuals have a great tendency to see poverty as a great moral problem to which they have the solution. Now, the human race began in poverty, so there's no mysterious explanation as to why some people are poor. The question is, why have some people gotten prosperous, and in particular, why have some gotten prosperous to a greater degree than others? But everybody started poor, so poverty is not a mystery to be solved by intellectuals. More than that, I think, one of, one of the things I wish I'd put more emphasis on in the book is that intellectuals have no interest in h- in what creates wealth and what inhibits the creation of wealth. They are very concerned about the distribution of it, but they act as if wealth just exists somehow. So- And it's only a question, it's like manna from heaven. It's only a question of how we split it up.
And why should that be? Why shouldn't they find that question at least intellectually fascinating? '
Cause it would destroy the whole vision that they have. If you-
Because it would lead to the answer of free markets.
Well, it, it- Is that-... it, it would, it, it would say- There are enormous numbers of reasons why people acquire the ability to create wealth, and they vary all over the world. And so if you find, for example, that in centuries past, Germans living in Eastern Europe, had much higher standards of living than the indigenous peoples of Eastern Europe, intellectuals will say, "Well, the Germans have somehow oppressed the people of Eastern Europe."
Right.
Or the ones who are in- into genetic determinism will say, "The Germans were born, biologically superior to the people of Eastern Europe." But anyone with a knowledge of history would know that there are all kinds of reasons why Western Europe as a whole has far greater wealth ca- producing capacity than Eastern Europe. But of course, that would then cut out the role of intellectuals. They would then have to do what David Hume did, which is what he told... He urged his fellow 18th century Scots to learn the English language, because that would open up a whole world to them, that they would not have otherwise.
Which leads to another quotation that I found very striking here, Tom, in Intellectuals and Society. Part of this you've touched on. You write that although intellectuals pay a lot of attention to inequalities among racial and ethnic groups, quote, "Seldom has this attention been directed toward how the less economically successful might improve themselves by availing themselves of the culture of others around them." Close quote. Now, that is a very arresting formulation. Poor people can improve themselves by availing themselves of the culture of others around them. What do you mean by that?
I mean that the same things which allow some other people to prosper can allow them to prosper if they take advantage of those same things. The Scots were a classic example. They were one of the poorest and most ignorant people on the fringes of European civilization in centuries past. But once they, for whatever reason, began to educate themselves, and especially to learn the English language, which became a passion. I mean, people all over Scotland, including Hume himself, were taking lessons in the English language.
Hume's first language was Gaelic? He-
I don't know if it was Gaelic. It was what- whatever
they spoke in those days. All right...
yeah. - Didn't know that... and, and with- and fr- from about the middle of the 18th century to the middle of the 19th century, the leading intellectuals in Britain were Scots.
Right.
I mean, you had Adam Smith- Adam Smith... in economics, Humes in human philosophy, Black in chemistry. you go through the whole list. And so they could do that, but that was an extremely rare thing for an intellectual to say. Most intellectuals in most countries around the world see the issue as how those who are more prosperous should be brought down, rather than how,... And moreover, the people who are lagging should cling to their culture. I don't know how you're gonna keep on doing what you've always done and get results that are different from what you've always gotten.
Hm. Two quotations, Tom. An editorial in The New York Times, quote, "Racial stereotypes still wreak havoc with the job possibilities of young Black men." Close quote. Quotation number two, Thomas Sowell in Intellectuals and Society, quote, "Black unemployment rates were lower than those of whites as long ago as 1890." Close quote.
And in 1930 as well.
And in 1930. First of all, Black unemployment was lower decades ago- -hmm... before the civil rights movement- -hmm before The New York Times began editorializing on the, on Black poverty. How can that have been?
it, it shows among other... Well, the minimum wage law is one huge, factor. 1930 was also the last year, when there was no federal minimum wage law. If you look at the unemployment rate of Black teenagers in 1948, 1949, it is a fraction of what it has been at any, recent decade. and 1949 was a recession year, so the Black teenage unemployment rate in 1949 was a fraction of what it was in even the most prosperous years of the 1990s.
And this is because the f- the federal minimum wage said, "You must play, pay every worker at least this much."
Yes.
And then when there was no minimum wage, kids, everybody, but particularly, you're talking now about Black teens- Yeah... could get paid- Whatever... $1.50 an hour- See, but the other thing-... for gardening, but they could get employment. They could- Yes... start learning skills. They could get, reach the first rung on the ladder, so to speak.
Yes. And
that's what's, -
And people move up very quickly. I mean, M- McDonald's has over 100% turnover a year. People say, "He's out, you know, he's out flipping hamburgers." Yes, he's flipping hamburgers in January. Does not mean he's gonna be flipping hamburgers in December. somewhere- He's
learning how to get to work on time- He's, he-... how to get a- That's
right... deal with coworkers... and he's, and he's not gonna be, but he's gonna start up the ladder.
Right.
but the, what was different about the late 1940s was the minimum, the federal minimum, the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 specified what the minimum wage would be. The runaway inflation of the 1940s made that number meaningless. I see. So for all practical purposes, inflation had repealed the minimum wage law.
I see.
Thank God I w- I was a teenager in those years. and, you know, when I started out my first full-time job as a Western Union messenger, my starting pay was 50% above the federal minimum wage because inflation had made the federal minimum wage meaningless. And so under those conditions, in 1948, s- Black 16 and 17-year-olds had an unemployment rate under 10% and slightly less than that of white teenagers the same age. Now, as you come in and the liberals say, "No, we, we've gotta catch up with inflation," starting in 1950, they escalated the minimum wage regularly, and then you began to see these horrendous rates of unemployment among Black teenagers.
Diversity, again, I'm quoting from Intellectuals and Society. Quote, "Sweeping claims for the benefits of diversity in innumerable institutions have prevailed without a speck of evidence being asked for or given," close quote.
Yes.
Again, how come? Intellectuals ought to be asking. So we have diversity, we have, affirmative action, diversity, and of course, diversity is one of the, sacred words of the academy these days, and nobody's tested to see whether- No diversity enriches the e- No... and educate- No.
It's, it's just definitional. Intellectuals have many skills which will e- enable them to evade the testing of what they believe And that negates the fact, the fact that they are capable of testing it doesn't mean that they're going to test it.
Thomas Sowell once again, quote, "At the same time you're getting all this mouthing of diversity," this is not from Intellectuals and Society, but it's from an interview you gave elsewhere. "At the same time you're getting all this mouthing of diversity, there's an extremely narrow ideological conformity that's being enforced." So we have diversity in the way people look.
hmm.
The ethnic groups or, from which they come, the parts of the country from which they come. But once you arrive, you'd better start thinking the way we do.
Yes. I still get emails from students, you know, who say that, you know, when they raise any issues, that go against the professor's ideology, they just get ridiculed
Segment four, Thomas Sowell intellectual. We just learned that you started out as a, delivering telegrams. This was in New York. Yes. This was when you were living in Harlem. Yes. So you were deli- you started out delivering t- Now let's take you to age 24 when you were at Howard University. You write an- a- another book well worth reading. Yeah. They're all worth reading, but, I love A Personal Odyssey, but I'm quoting from A Personal Odyssey in this case. Quote, "I was a 24-year-old high school dropout with mediocre grades in a mediocre institution," close quote. When did that change? When did your own intellect become engaged? S- When did the light bulb go on?
Oh, before then, but of course I was working during the day and going to school at night, which is not the ideal conditions for, for, you know, intellectual, results. So I really didn't have the results.
So how, so how did... But, w- young Tom Sowell, what... I can recall you were telling me that you would wait up at night as... I believe that this was when you were a teen. You'd wait up at night for the ear- early morning edition newspapers to come out. Yeah. You'd walk up the s- the block at a little after midnight and buy the first edition newspapers at the newsstand, take them back to your bedroom and read them.
Yes.
How, what, wh- So you were an intellectual when you were a boy. I,
I'm not sure that reading the Yankee scores made you an intellectual. Oh,
it was the Yankee scores. I feel so much better now. I thought you were engaged in worl- I've always thought, "Oh, Tom, Thomas-"
But, but can you imagine anybody in Harlem doing that today?
I mean- Walking around at midnight freely and without a care. Yeah, and that, that- Fearing they're going to get kidnapped... as a, as
a, as a, as a small, old white man had a little newsstand in Harlem. And I would... And he obviously had enough people doing this to make, to m- to make it worth his while to be open at midnight. And I would walk, it was a long block. I'd walk down this long block, get my newspapers and come on back home and read them.
A different world.
quote again from A Personal Odyssey. "I graduated from Harvard magna cum laude. Economics and Karl Marx had a lot to do with it." Karl Marx got Tom Sowell through Harvard. Explain yourself. Explain yourself on that.
Well, I, I, I had been taken by the Marxist philosophy, and therefore I'd done a lot of studying. I'm one of the few people, I guess, who's read all three volumes of Capital and indexed them as I went. And from this I wrote a, a, - And this,
you, this reading takes place before you get to Harvard
I started, but at Harvard I got, I read- You went to Harvard. Harvard... I went through, went through The Capital. And, that then provided me with a, an undergraduate honors thesis, and it's the honors thesis that got the magna cum laude. The grade point average was just enough to make me eligible.
I see. And you enjoyed yourself at Harvard and have revered that august institution ever since. Is that correct?
Not quite. I have, I have never gone to a class reunion at Harvard, even when I was teaching at Brandeis, which is about a 20-minute drive from Harvard. eh, there were... What I saw there that got, that bothered me is what is, what bothered me ever since, there was the sense that we don't really need to test for evidence. -hmm. If all we bright, good fellows all believe this, it must be true.
So you got the sense-
You have
a sense of a kind of, intellectual priesthood or caste
Yes, and then, and then the same thing as you, that you mentioned from the, from the book, that there is this sense that you don't really have to go for evidence, that, you know, the- these are things that we all know.
Hmm. Thinking it so makes it so. From Harvard to a graduate program in economics at the University of Chicago, quote, "I was as well aware that the University of Chicago economics department had a reputation for conservatism as they were that I was a Marxist. What made this not matter was that we were both devoted to intellectual standards. I developed much more respect for the University of Chicago than I ever had for Harvard," close quote. Yeah.
Yes.
Explain the difference in atmosphere, intellectual atmosphere.
Well, in Chicago, you had to make your arguments. As, some e- some economist once said, you know, at, at Chicago, economics is a full contact sport. Hmm. And I don't know if you're aware of the, of the, back and forth that goes on. It's fierce. But the fact of the matter is that everyone recognized you have to have facts, you have to have logic. You can't say that, "We believe this 'cause everybody knows this." No, you got, you gotta show how and why.
And you write about someone who became your close friend, Milton Friedman. -hmm. You studied with Milton Friedman. Now, so here's a case, Tom, your thesis about intellectuals in society, that an intellectual is someone whose end product is ideas.
Hmm.
Milton's end product was ideas, and yet he resisted all the temptations that you delineate in this book. He l- he championed the free markets. He was intensely suspicious of the self-aggrandizement of intellectuals. He loathed Washington. In fact, he, there was, I can recall some conversation, never went anywhere, but some conversation here at the Hoover Institution that we should move to Washington, and Milton said it would last two years, and we, we, intellectually we'd be taken over. How did he- The, in strict terms, a man of ideas, and in that sense, an intellectual's intellectual. What set him apart? What made him different from the intellectuals in the pejorative sense?
Well, in the preface to the book, I explain that I don't go into that. That I'm not trying- I'm trying to get a little
extra out of you here.
I, I did not try to explain every sparrow's fall. I'm trying to find what are the general patterns that we can see looking at intellectuals over the past two centuries, and I specifically say Milton Friedman's a classic example of someone who did not do it that way. Although, I will... M- Milton himself somewhere pointed out that at a very early period in his life, he was a Keynesian. He was certainly a liberal.
Okay, so well,
if- So, but he, but he moved beyond that, and a lot of people do. I would say most of the conservative intellectuals were at some point in their lives on the left. I mean, Hayek was a socialist. I, you go, you go, you can just go through the whole list of them. I mean, there are a few, like William F. Buckley, who was a conservative from day one, but he was the exception, not the rule.
All right, so if you won't explain the sparrow's fall in Milton's case, explain it in yours. We've now got you to a graduate program at the University of Chicago, but you're still a Marxist.
Yes.
What were the circumstances? What was the intellectual journey that led you to reject Marx?
Well, it was not taking Milton Friedman's... I was a Marxist when I went into Milton Friedman's course. I was a Marxist when I came out.
You are just one tough Marxist. If anybody can resist Milton. So what happened, Tom?
I went to work for the government as an, as a, as a, as a, as a summer intern in economics, and seeing the thinking or lack of thinking that was going on in the government, I realized that government is not where it's at.
So when you, this ties back to the notion of empiricism. When you actually bumped up against the reality- Yes... of the professional intellectual caste attempting to rearrange the lives of millions of people across this republic, you said to yourself, "It's mediocre, it's second rate." What was it that you s-
It was truly unthinking. It was also something else, that the Labor Department had its own institutional interests. I was interested, for example, in whether the minimum wage law caused unemployment. a- and I, as I tried to f- come up with ways of testing that, I realized that the people in the Labor Department saw that as a threat. I mean, they were appalled as I, as I s- gave some ways we might try to test this, because they had no desire to test the minimum wage law, which provided one-third of the funding for the US Department of Labor. and so you r- once you say the government agencies have their own institutional interests, so don't look for them to serve the interests of other... I mean, to me, the question is, are, are all these, teenage kids gonna go without jobs and end up on the street and in crime and all the rest of it? That was not their top priority, and I realized it was ne- it w- other people's wellbeing would never be the priority of politicians and bureaucrats.
All right. After you leave, government service in Washington, you go back to academia- -hmm... where you've had a long and extremely distinguished career. You've taught at institutions that include Amherst and Cornell and UCLA. You've been a fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University for some three decades now. And yet you've spent this time swimming, so to speak, against that tide.. The intellectual tide that you describe here. Yeah. I'm just probing one more time, and you feel perfectly free to swat me down one more time if you'd like. What made you different, Tom? What is it in your character, your background, what permitted you to resist these temptat- to see them in the first place and resist them?
Well, l- like others, I did not, successfully resist them at first. But, as time went on and more and more evidence accumulated, I wasn't as prepared as some others were to just keep, explaining away, all the evidence.
So it's your impulse toward empiricism. Yes. Yes. Let's test it, let's test it, let's test it.
Yes.
All right. Segment five, our intellectual in chief. Barack Obama got his BA from Columbia, his JD from Harvard. He taught for a number of years at the University of Chicago Law School. May I suppose that Tom Sowell is duly impressed?
Oh, y- you might say the road to hell is paved with Ivy League degrees.
All right. A few clips of the President of the United States delivering his State of the Union address earlier this year. Clip number one.
Higher education can't be a luxury. It is an economic imperative that every family in America should be able to afford.
Higher education, an imperative. All he's asking is that all young Americans should have the same opportunity to get a really good education that Tom Sowell had. Tom?
I love the way, the use of the word opportunity. you know, I had as much opportunity to become an NBA star as Michael Jordan had. It just happens that there was some difference in skill. And so the same thing with education. There is no point trying to run people through institutions that they have very little interest in, a- and that they may not be suited for. in fact, I would argue that one of the problems of American education is you have a lot of people in college who have no interest in what a college is supposed to be, nor is there any reason why they should.
And so the intel- the int-
So you water down- Yeah... the education of the people who are there to get an education because of the people who are not there for that purpose, and who are, a- and, and they're, and who you're trying to appease in some way.
A- and is the impulse that we just saw of Barack Obama and s- his supporters, to in- constantly more and more people, run them through college, run them through college- Yes and that's what? That's to enhance the standing of intellectuals in society, to teach more and more Americans to defer to intellectuals? Is that part of what's going on?
It's to win votes, frankly.
All right. Straightforward as that. President Obama once again.
I will not cede the wind or solar or battery industry to China or Germany because we refuse to make the same commitment here. We've subsidized oil companies for a century. That's long enough
This is pre, this is pre-Solyndra, of course.
Pre-Solyndra. Tom?
Y- you know, this notion of picking out something and calling it a good thing, like education or affordable housing or whatever it might be, everything is a matter of trade-off. God, what did the man say there?
That he will not cede wind or solar or battis- battery, the battery industry to China or Germany because we refuse to make the same commitment-
It's amazing that here is a man talking about five different industries and none of which he has the slightest experience. You know, but because he has these degrees from the places you mentioned, he thinks, a- and people have told him how clever he is, he now thinks that he can, can do this.
So can you ex-
No human being on this planet can do this...
can you explain, Tom, the particular appeal to intellectuals of the kind you describe here of the green movement, of the environmental movement?
Oh, it shows them again in the role they relish. They're the, they're the wise and noble forcing the re- forcing the rest of us poor dummies, to do what's right, you know, e- even though we don't want to.
So it's what your old friend Karl Marx would have described as the will to power?
Yes. All right.
You don't wanna, you don't wanna cut them a little sl- that's pr- I mean, you're just saying it's ego and pride and vanity?
Yes.
All right. Once again, the President of the United States.
Tax reform should follow the Buffett rule. If you make more than a million dollars a year, you should not pay less than 30% in taxes. And my Republican friend Tom Coburn is right, Washington should s- stop subsidizing millionaires. In fact, if you're earning a million dollars a year, you shouldn't get special tax subsidies or deductions. On the other hand, if you make under $250,000 a year, like 98% of American families, your taxes shouldn't go up.
I love it When people keep their own money, that's called subsidizing them. I love it. You know, that's the brilliance of intellectuals, that they, they can use words in such a malleable way, that they can s- I mean, the, Obama has an absolute talent for saying things that make no sense, but not only sound plausible, but inspiring. You know, sub- the, we're subsidizing the oil companies when they deduct the cost of doing business, you know, in order to arrive at the figure of how much net income they have. Everybody does that.
Right. So this notion, though, that if you, if you're rich, you oughta pay more Straightforward enough, no?
It is straightforward, but it's also straightforward nonsense.
Why is that?
people don't, b- m- They often speak of people who are rich as people who happen to have money.
Right.
Extremely few people happen to have money.
There aren't that many Rockefellers.
Y- Well, but Rockefeller didn't happen to have money.
But his heirs happened to have it.
Heirs, the heirs happened to have money. Right. So you're doing this... Go ahead But Roc- but Ro- Rocke- Rockefeller, he, Rockefeller reduced the coils, cost of oil to a fraction of what it had been before him. Right. Benefiting millions of people across the country. Therefore, they bought their oil from Rockefeller rather than from people who had more expensive ways of producing oil, with that one of them being the, use of, tank cars on the railroads. The progressives were livid that Rockefeller, could ship his oil at a cheaper price than the other producers. It never occurred to them that oil, Rockefeller shipped his oil in tank cars, which are a hell of a lot cheaper to transport than in barrels. Right. I mean, we still measure oil in barrels today, but we ship it in tankers.
Right.
And, that's how he m- ha- became a multibillionaire.
So we know from the study of economic history that wealthy people get wealthy by creating jobs, lowering prices of- Yes... of products rather than... Bill Gates, the richest man in America, one of the richest men in the world, invented an, invented an entire industry- Yes that simply didn't e- All right. We know all that, and we also know, as we mentioned earlier, that cutting taxes worked to spur economic growth in the '20s, again under John Kennedy in the six- act- actually, the, it was Johnson who ended up, most of the tax cuts took place, let's call it under the '60s, and then again in Ron- Ronald Reagan in the 1980s. And then
George W. Bush.
And George W. Bush. So how is it that he can stand there in the face of this overwhelming evidence and be taken seriously? I'm not asking now about Barack Obama as an intellectual. I'm asking about the people listening to him.
The, that's the question of the hour. You have people who, don't stop and think. You've had dumbed-down education. You've had propagandistic education. And people, he's, what he's saying connects with all those, with all those kinds of things.
All right.
in fact, this, it goes the other way, too. I was just doing some research on Detroit and its decline, and they kept raising the city income tax, and every time they raised the tax rate, the tax revenues went down. in ni- in 2008, Charles Gibson re- put this to Obama when he was a candidate. He said, "Why are you for raising the tax rate on the rich? Because, you often get more revenue at lower tax rates than at the higher tax rates." And he said, "Well, it's a question of social justice." In other words, he doesn't really care about whether the government raises more revenues. If he can get people mad at the rich and they vote for him, then the po- then it's a success. Just as, Coleman, Young's policies in Detroit were a great political success for him.
It ruined Detroit, but it didn't-
Ruined Detroit. I just ha- you and I happen, we're reading on a similar subject. From 1950 to the present, two things happened. One was that the population of the United States of America roughly doubled.
And the other was that the population of Detroit fell by roughly half.
Yes.
Unbelievable. All right. You write in Intellectuals in Society about the intellectual's view of diplomacy and military affairs. One last clip of the President of the United States. Oh.
Thank heaven I'm sitting down.
Look at Iran Through the power of our diplomacy, a world that was once divided about how to deal with Iran's nuclear program now stands as one. The regime is more isolated than ever before. Its leaders are faced with crippling sanctions, and as long as they shirk their responsibilities, this pressure will not relent.
Tom, will you sleep better tonight having heard that?
I may, I may take a sleeping pill so I can forget it. -hmm. The, this man has diddled with Iran to the point where we're the military people are saying, "You know, even if we decide to go in and bomb that place, they are so dispersed, so far underground, it's by no means clear that we can do it." The time when he was going through all this wonderful diplomacy he talks about was precisely the time when those things were put underground and dispersed. It's like, it's like when Hitler was ar- arming. You know, the, as Churchill said, at one point, a memorandum could have stopped Hitler.
hmm.
You know, because the power was so lopsidedly on the side of the Western democracies. it's like they could say, "Stop rearming or else."
And
intellectually- We can't do that with the, with, with the, with... We, they diddled the, they diddled with Iran to the point where now we don't know.
Now, but there's something interesting about, to me, whereas with social policy, intellectuals tend to go for the policies- -hmm that give them greater power. What greater power could an intellectual seek than military power, the power to blow things up? So why,
why do they shrink from- Oh, because, because, oh, because they believe that, again, that their intellect is the, is the unique factor that is gonna save us. And to say that they're a bunch of military people are gonna be more effective than doing all these terribly clever things that Obama's doing, - I see... undermines their whole position.
I see. All right. Final couple of questions here. I'm asking, I'm asking with a particular viewer in mind. Let's say that there's a young man or young woman in the position of a Tom Sowell. This is a, we're, if somebody's viewing this who loves to get online and read the early edition of the newspapers the way you did. And they wanna go to college, and they may even dream of grad school, and they love books, and they love ideas, but they don't want to become an intellectual of the kind that you describe in Intellectuals and Society. So I've been thinking, what are the, what is the advice that you would give them? And I think one would be insist on empiricism. Is that right? Always insist on testing theories against the facts.
Oh, absolutely. But in terms of education, then you have to be very careful in which, college you choose, and you can't go according to big names. You go according to, matching what you want with what the college offers. And especially, you don't wanna go to a college where the professors think that, the students are there to provide them with an audience for indoctrination.
hmm. And- just one final... We're talking here about analysis and ideas and testing ideas against reality, and I can't resist the feeling that there's an implicit theme here. You're pretty good at writing what you want to say, but I also sense a kind of implicit theme here, which is a question of character, almost a moral theme of if what animates the intellectuals is as fundamental as simple, vulgar human pride-... then kids ought to pay a lot of attention to intellectual humility. Is that so? Is that a virtue that can be cultivated?
I, I don't know if it can be cultivated, but, it's, it's hard to find for one thing. b- but I, but I think that, they shouldn't go someplace where there is a party line and where anyone who says anything different is just slapped down, and that's unfortunately the case in too many universities.
So you're looking for genuine freedom of discussion.
Yes.
And you're looking for a willingness to test theories against the facts.
Absolutely. Absolutely.
All right. Last question. We have an election coming up in November. What's your sense? Good news or bad news at the un- when we wake up after election day? Will the intellectuals have been trium- have triumphed or have been swept out of Washington?
I would think that the odds of their being swept out are no better than 50/50.
Do you have a candidate? We... As we record this, the Republican primary is still grinding on. Primaries are still grinding on.
there are none of them. Th- there's none of the candidates, of either party that would cause me to dance in the streets.
All right. Is there anything as you look at the current prospect for this country and the Western world that would cause you to dance in the streets?
If I thought that the voters had some sense of realism, and if they were concerned with the lo- with the larger questions rather than whose ex-wife said what, and so on, or, you know, what, what, Governor Romney did or did not do when he was head of Bain Capital that I would have, if they had some sense of the loss of freedom, which is infinitely more important than any of the specific issues that follow by themselves. That is, Obamacare really is a huge step towards the loss of freedom. I mean, and it happens in small ways that, but constantly. I mean, we can't have our own, the light bulb that we want in our own home. We can't flush the toilet with the kind of toilet we want. We can't take a shower with the kind of shower head we want. we can't put our garbage out except, and broken down by the way that some little, gauleiters have decided, oh, we o- we o- we, we oughta do it. I mean, that, they, it's, it's just the accretion of these things, many of which are too small to be sig- significant in themselves. But in the aggregate, you can s- aggregate, you can see the tendency of this. The people who think they know better, and they ought to be telling us what to do, those people are the danger, and if you don't see that, then I'm not sure what the, what the future's gonna be like.
Dr. Thomas Sowell, author of the new expanded and revised version of the bestselling Intellectuals and Society, thank you.
Thank you.
For Uncommon Knowledge, I'm Peter Robinson.
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