The Myths of Economic Inequality
Two people can look at the same inequality and reach opposite conclusions about its cause. Sowell on the myths behind the numbers, and the deeper conflict of visions that decides which explanation people will accept.
- Interviewer
- Peter Robinson
- Program
- Uncommon Knowledge
- Topics
- Ideas, Politics
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Lightly cleaned for reading (40 of Sowell’s turns). Tap any timestamp to jump the video there.
It happens to me all the time, and it happened just this week. A young person I'd never met introduced himself to me and said that when he saw our guest today on an earlier episode of this program, he felt he was seeing a man who knew how to think. Dr. Thomas Sowell on Uncommon Knowledge now. Welcome to Uncommon Knowledge. I'm Peter Robinson. Thomas Sowell has studied and taught economics, intellectual history, and social policy at institutions that include Cornell, Brandeis, UCLA, and Amherst. Now a senior fellow with the Hoover Institution, Dr. Sowell has published more than a dozen books, including the classic A Conflict of Visions. Coming soon, a revised edition of his most recent volume, Discrimination and Disparities. Tom Sowell, welcome.
Thank you.
You grew up in Harlem, dropped out of high school to join the Marine Corps during the Korean War, received an undergraduate degree from Harvard, a master's from Columbia, and your doctorate from the University of Chicago, all of which pales by comparison with the fact that you once tried out for the Brooklyn Dodgers. But during this period, from Harlem to the University of Chicago, throughout your 20s, you've said you spent most of the decade of your 20s as a Marxist.
Yes.
Why? What was the attraction?
Well, I guess I first was very puzzled. There's one little correction I would make. At age 16, I was a high school dropout, and I went to work full time as a Western Union messenger, delivering telegrams. I worked in the area of Manhattan called the Chelsea District, around 23rd Street, 9th Avenue. And at the end of the day, I had several ways of getting back home. The easiest and fastest way was the subway, which was a nickel in those days. When I was feeling flush, I might go for a bus, for a dime. And then when I was really getting reckless, I would take the Fifth Avenue bus, which was the elite of the buses. Fifth was 15 cents. And it would take me up through all the glamorous parts of Fifth Avenue, past the Empire State Building, past the great stores. On 57th Street it would turn, past Carnegie Hall, Columbus Circle, there was no Trump Tower at that time, and on up to about 72nd Street, out to Riverside Drive, another elite area. So for miles you'd have all these luxury apartment buildings. And finally, around 129th or 130th Street, it would go on a long viaduct and do a right turn back into the occupied area, and there you'd see the tenements. And I would wonder, "Why is this? Why this huge disparity?" And there was no other explanation around. There was nothing there other than Marxism. I stumbled across it. I had not read Marx. I bought a secondhand set of encyclopedias, small set, for some ridiculously low price, and I looked up Karl Marx. I'd heard the name. And the stuff that he said seemed to make sense. The argument was that the rich had gotten rich by taking from the poor. That was one explanation. But what is interesting, there was no other explanation out there, really, and that's true largely in our colleges and universities today.
But by the time you went to Harvard, you had already become intellectually engaged with Marxism, and Harvard didn't talk you out of it, nor did Columbia, nor did Chicago? You studied with Milton Friedman, how could you have sat in Milton Friedman's classroom and remained a Marxist?
Some people are just stubborn. But what really changed me was not the University of Chicago. It was my first job working in a professional capacity for the government. I was a summer intern, while I was still a graduate student. I worked in the US Department of Labor, and I began to realize that the government is not simply the personification of the general will like Rousseau or others said. The government institutions have their own institutional interests. One involved the minimum wage law. I was a big supporter of that, but I also knew there was an argument that minimum wage laws simply price low-wage workers out of a job. My first assignment dealt with minimum wages in Puerto Rico, and as I looked at the numbers, I would see as they jacked up the minimum wage, the number of jobs would go down. But there were two explanations. One was the economist's, that you price people out of a job. The other was that there were hurricanes that had come through Puerto Rico during the sugar harvesting, I was studying the sugar industry, and it destroyed a lot of the crop, so you wouldn't hire as many workers. Now, in Chicago I'd been taught that if there are two different theories, there should be some empirical evidence in principle that could distinguish them. So I wrestled with that most of the summer, and one morning I came in and said, "I got it. What we need are data on the amount of sugar cane standing in the fields before the hurricanes struck." And as I waited for the congratulations, I could see stricken looks around the room, like, "This guy has stumbled on something that will ruin us all." And they said, "Well, we don't have those data." I said, "Oh, I'll bet the Department of Agriculture has it." He said, "That doesn't mean we have it. You'd have to have a request go up the chain of command to the Secretary of Labor. He would confer with the Secretary of Agriculture. It would come down the chain of command." I said, "Good. A journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step, so I will now submit my request to the Secretary of Labor," which I did. And I am still patiently awaiting this reply.
And the institutional fear of the number was what?
The US Department of Labor administers the minimum wage law. The money and the careers of perhaps a third of the Labor Department's resources come from administering the minimum wage law. One of the real farces is that the law itself, Section 4D, requires the Labor Department to study the employment effects of minimum wages, and those studies are absolutely a farce. Some years after I left, I did an article saying why those studies were a farce. And when I came back later to do some research, one of the older librarians who remembered me turned to the younger librarian and said, "This is the man who wrote that article that has everybody up in arms."
So you began to be dissuaded of Marxism.
And of government in general, because the government is not the personification of the national interest. They have their own interests, and the Labor Department's was clearly an interest in keeping the minimum wage, because that's their jobs and careers and power.
Which brings us to one of my favorite books, A Conflict of Visions, which you published in 1987, reprinted in 2007. You lay out two competing ways of looking at economics and really at life that go back at least 200 years, the constrained vision and the unconstrained vision. The constrained vision "sees the evils of the world as deriving from the limited and unhappy choices available, given the inherent moral and intellectual limitations of human beings."
Yes. In other words, they cannot proceed, as so many do, that good things happen automatically but bad things are somebody's fault.
And "for the amelioration of the human condition, the constrained vision relies on certain social processes such as moral traditions, the marketplace, or families." Not government. Explain that.
It doesn't ignore government. Even for the market to work, you have to have a government, as Europe discovered when the Roman Empire collapsed and the economies collapsed also. But one of the reasons would be that with the government, you have surrogate decision-makers, and they cannot possibly know as much as the individuals whose personal decisions have been preempted.
Which brings us to the unconstrained vision. "When Rousseau said that man is born free but everywhere in chains, he expressed the essence of the unconstrained vision, in which the fundamental problem is not nature or man, but institutions."
He has the notion that good things happen naturally, and if there are bad things, it's because institutions, including civilization itself, have made these bad things happen. That's really the implicit assumption behind a lot of things said on the left today. That's why in my most recent book I go to a lot of trouble to show that in nature there's nothing resembling equal opportunity. Wherever you look around the world, you find people who live up in the mountains poor and backwards, even in the richest countries, including the United States. I believe the poorest county in the United States was a mountain community which was almost 100% white. And the men in that county had a life expectancy 10 years less than men in a county in Virginia.
And the unconstrained vision says, "Let's fix that. Surely we can pass a law." And the constrained vision says, "If people who live in isolated mountain pockets are poor and backwards all around the world, and we see this over and over, maybe there's something deeply rooted in reality that's hard for us to get at." Correct?
Yes.
In A Conflict of Visions you're dispassionate. You don't come out blazing in favor of one or the other.
No, that is not a book meant to show one vision is better than the other. It's there to show you what they are and what you're assuming if you go one direction or another. It's to encourage people to understand the implicit assumptions, without which you're just at loose ends.
So a column you wrote a couple years ago rebutting Nicholas Kristof of The New York Times. Kristof had ascribed the gaps between African Americans and whites "to the lingering effects of slavery."
Oh, yes.
And here's Tom Sowell: "If we wanted to be serious about evidence, we might compare where Blacks stood 100 years after the end of slavery with where they stood after 30 years of the liberal welfare state. In other words, we could compare hard evidence on the legacy of slavery with hard evidence on the legacy of liberals." You use the word hard. You use the word serious. You use evidence. Tom Sowell is a man of the constrained vision through and through.
Yes. Part of a vanishing breed.
So even when you were a Marxist...
Even when I was a Marxist, I had the same intellectual standards. And that's what eventually led me away from it. I hadn't done all the research. I hadn't gone around the world looking for evidence. Socialism is a great idea. That does not mean it's a great reality. One of the things that disturbs me tremendously is this enthusiasm for Bernie Sanders and socialism at a time when people are literally starving in Venezuela, an oil-rich country. They're breaking into grocery stores to try to get food, fleeing to neighboring countries, most of which are not all that prosperous themselves. And none of that makes a bit of difference. I don't think most of these people cheering for Bernie Sanders have given a thought to Venezuela.
Which brings us to the retrogression. "Despite the grand myth that Black economic progress began or accelerated with the passage of the civil rights laws and the war on poverty programs of the 1960s, the fact is that the poverty rate among Blacks fell from 87% in 1940 to 47% in 1960. But over the next 20 years, the poverty rate among Blacks fell another 18 percentage points. This was just the continuation of a previous economic trend, but at a slower rate of progress. It was not some grand deliverance." You really want to stick with that?
Oh, I have more. In Discrimination and Disparities I point out this is a pattern not peculiar to Blacks or even to the United States. You see the same thing in England and any number of other countries. The poor were much worse off economically in the first half of the 20th century, and yet in terms of their own behavior they had far more decent societies. Afterwards, after this welfare state that's supposed to make them better human beings, that's when the crime rate skyrocketed on both sides of the Atlantic. The British were famous for being perhaps the most polite society in the world prior to that. After that, you get things like the 2011 riots in London and Manchester. They anticipated Ferguson and Baltimore by a few years, the burning of buildings, the gasoline bombs at police, the whole schmear. And none of those people were descendants of slaves.
So the lesson of the 20th century is something like: poor people, including African Americans, were improving their lot and leading fundamentally decent lives until the government decided to help them.
Yes. They're better off economically because of what's been given. But I got the first inkling of this years back when I was at some school in Harlem doing research. I looked out the window and mentioned that when I was a little kid I used to walk my dog in that park, and looks of horror came over the students' faces. Nobody in his right mind would have a child go into that park. The principal was warning these students not to cross this park, about a block and a half wide, even in groups of six. And when I told them how on hot summer nights I would sleep out on the fire escapes in Harlem, they looked at me like I was a man from Mars. People were doing that all over New York, Philadelphia, Washington. We didn't have the money for air conditioning. You slept out on the fire escape or in the parks. Walter Williams grew up in a housing project in Philadelphia, on hot summer nights people would sleep on the balconies, and the ones on the first floor who didn't have balconies would sleep out in the yard. Old men would sit outdoors into the wee hours playing cards or checkers. It was a different world. It was a safe world. Infinitely safer.
Now, family structure. "Most Black children were being raised in two-parent families in 1960. 30 years after the liberal welfare state, the great majority of Black children were being raised by single parents." Moynihan published the Moynihan Report in 1965, alarmed because the illegitimacy rate among Black families was 25% then. Now among whites it's over a third, Hispanics over half, and among African Americans over 70%. What's going on?
Again, you find the same thing in Britain, France, Norway, the Western world. There are any number of Western nations where 40% of the children are raised with only one parent. At the extremes, in Iceland two out of three children are raised in a single-parent home. In South Korea it's one out of 66. You're creating a situation where if the man stays there, the government will not give the woman welfare, and if he leaves, it will. When you pay people not to get married, more people don't get married.
So what would have happened if Lyndon Johnson had remained a crusty, tough, skeptical Texas conservative, embraced the constrained vision instead of the war on poverty? What would the country look like today?
A lot better. You would not have the same rates of crime. You can't have a welfare state in a democratic country unless you first have a welfare state vision, and when you buy all the assumptions of that vision, you're buying a lot of trouble. One episode epitomized it, in France: there were knife attacks by various people from North Africa against Chinese people in some suburb of Paris. And when asked why, it wasn't because of anything the Chinese had done. They said, "They have nice clothes and big cars. That's not fair." Egalitarianism as a philosophy is one thing, but the actual consequences are mean things like resenting other people's good fortune.
So one response to the gap, affirmative action. Figures from the Harvard Crimson: in the class of 2019, the average SAT for Black students was 2149, white students 2218, Asian students 2300. That must be reasonable, because it's taking place at Harvard, the seat of reason.
Well, that wasn't quite how I described it when I was there.
We ought not to be doing this?
There are various laws and policies that benefit one group at the expense of another. But affirmative action has the distinction of being one that harms everybody, though in different ways. There's a lot of evidence that there are Black kids who have all the qualifications to be successes in college, who nevertheless are failures because they are systematically mismatched with institutions whose standards they don't meet, even though they may meet the standards of 80 or 90% of the colleges in America. I first became aware of this when I was teaching at Cornell, and I found that half the Black students at Cornell were on some kind of academic probation. I went to the administration building and looked up their SATs. The average Black student at Cornell at that time scored at the 75th percentile.
Which is pretty darn good.
Yes. At most colleges in this country they would have no trouble, and many would be on the dean's list. But at Cornell, the average liberal arts student at that time was in the 99th percentile. When you're teaching students like that, you teach at a pace that most people of any race cannot keep up with. It was always complained that I was assigning all kinds of reading, but I'm teaching kids in the top 1%. They can keep up.
So Cornell was taking very talented Black kids and spending four years teaching them to feel inadequate.
Yes. And succeeding at that.
Grutter v. Bollinger, 2003. Justice O'Connor's majority opinion: "The Court expects that 25 years from now, the use of racial preferences will no longer be necessary." And Justice Thomas in dissent: "I believe that Blacks can achieve in every avenue of American life without the meddling of university administrators. While I agree that in 25 years these practices will be illegal, they are illegal now." What do you do with the argument that the best we can do is tell universities they ought not to do it and give them a clock?
No, but it's a universal thing to do. I wrote a book, Affirmative Action Around the World, and made a couple of international trips at the expense of the Hoover Institution to check on it. This is one of the most common arguments that is absolutely fallacious time and again. Like so much in the unconstrained vision, it assumes we have a power we do not have, cannot have, and never have had. In many countries these programs were set up with an actual cutoff date. In Malaysia, around 1990. In Pakistan, it was supposed to go for 10 years. None of those cutoff dates has meant a thing. These programs not only continue, they increase and spread. In Pakistan, the East Pakistanis were way behind the West Pakistanis, so there were preferences for the East Pakistanis. Before time for it to expire, the East Pakistanis seceded and formed Bangladesh. And the preferences continued right on, because other groups had been added, and once you get the constituency, you can't say no to them.
So Tom Sowell says no to the welfare state, no to affirmative action. What is to be done? You shared the galleys of your forthcoming edition of Discrimination and Disparities. "The poverty rate among Black married couples has been less than 10% every year since 1994. As far back as 1969, young Black males whose homes included newspapers, magazines, and library cards had similar incomes to those of their white counterparts. Academic outcomes show a pattern of disparities similar to the pattern of disparities in the amount of time devoted to schoolwork. Apparently, lifestyle choices have consequences."
Yes. It's not the marriage as such or the library cards as such. It's that there are lifestyle choices that have been made. The comparison I made: if you look at the poverty rate among Blacks it was 22%, among whites 11%, but among Black married couples it was 7.5%. They not only do better than Blacks as a whole, they do better than whites as a whole. Similarly with the results in some of the more successful charter schools, you have these kids not only meeting but exceeding the national standards in places like Harlem, Bedstuy, the South Bronx. And these are not kids skimming the cream. They're chosen by lottery. They don't test them for ability. They take them into the schools, and they have hard work, they make it clear at the outset, and they don't tolerate a lot of nonsensical behavior. And these kids are doing incredibly.
You dropped out of high school and did what? Go on welfare? No. You went to work, and you spent some of that money to buy inexpensive encyclopedias. But that Harlem seems so utterly vanished. Your argument is if we can stand up to the welfare state, family structure will reassert itself?
That's gonna be re-conquering the same ground, which is very tough to do. But it can be done. I was so lucky. I left home in 1948. Many decades later I learned that the unemployment rate among Black teenagers in 1948, 16- and 17-year-olds, was 9.4%. Among whites of the same age it was 10.2%. So both had only a fraction of the unemployment they have today. And the jobs were there for you. This is because of a fluke. The minimum wage law, the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, was passed with specified rates of pay. Almost immediately inflation took off during the 1940s. So by 1948 those numbers in the law were meaningless. When I started as a Western Union messenger, the minimum wage was 40 cents an hour. I started at the bottom at 65 cents an hour. So it was the same as if there was no minimum wage. Now a Black kid 20 years later comes in. People have become compassionate. They've raised the minimum wage so he can't get a job. And I don't think it does any community any good to have a whole lot of teenage males hanging around on the streets with no job and nothing to do.
You saw Jim Crow with your own eyes. From The Atlantic, "The Case for Reparations" by Ta-Nehisi Coates: "White supremacy is a force so fundamental to America that it is difficult to imagine the country without it. Reparations is the price we must pay to see ourselves squarely." Tom Sowell responds how?
It would be nice to know his evidence for what he said, just to be old-fashioned about it. It was a rotten system, but I don't know how we get from that to reparations. What we see in the United States in terms of the bad things, you see all around the world. If you were to give reparations to everyone whose ancestors had been slaves, I suspect you'd have to give reparations to more than half the entire population of the globe. Slavery was not confined to one set of races. I suspect most of the people who were either slaves or slave owners around the world were neither white nor Black. This was a universal curse of the human species, and it continued elsewhere long after it was abolished in the Western countries.
Shelby Steele talks about white guilt, and in Coates you get almost the counterpart. How do we expiate the sin of slavery?
If you were a slave owner, I don't see a reason why you should feel differently. On the other hand, I can't get over the idea of A apologizing for what B did. Even when they're contemporaries, much less when one is dead and the other's alive. Scalia said he owes no man anything because people who look like him did something to people who look like him.
So get past it. Get to work.
Yeah.
Charles Murray in his 1984 book Losing Ground, on the discussions in academia and government: "Whites had created the problem. It was up to whites to fix it, and there was very little in the dialogue that treated Blacks as responsible actors." Has that changed?
No, it has not.
Your longtime friend Walter Williams: "President Donald Trump does not have the personal character that we would want our children to imitate, but save his misguided international trade policies, has turned out to be a good president." Tom?
I think his policies, by and large, have been far better than those of previous Democratic or Republican administrations. Look, I go by the consequences. He hasn't produced the right rhetoric, but the fact is that unemployment among low-income people, Black and Hispanic included, is at a level far lower than it's been in decades. The economy is booming in a way no one had predicted. People like Paul Krugman were saying that when Trump gets in, the economy's gonna tank. No. The economy hit new highs. But there are so many people among the intelligentsia who are absolutely immune to facts. It's as if they took their anti-fact shots every year, and the facts will just not affect them.
I can understand the Never Trumpers who don't bother me with economic booms, because this man is on my television screen every night and I can't stand him.
This is the second consecutive president of the United States that I automatically turn off when I'm watching television.
Who was the first?
Obama.
You're totally bipartisan in that regard.
Oh, always. No other way.
But the great society, the war on poverty, six decades of experience, and the gap hasn't closed, dissolution of family structure, rising crime. Why, after more than half a century, is there still a refusal to look at the evidence?
Yes, and there's even a tendency to falsify the evidence. I think people become attached to a vision, and that really warps the way they see the world. Human beings have an enormous capacity to rationalize.
From The New York Times: "Over the last decade, the charter school movement gained significant foothold in New York. Over 100,000 students in the city's charter schools are doing well on state tests and tens of thousands are on waiting lists. But the election suggested that the golden era of charter schools is over. The insurgent Democrats have repeatedly expressed hostility to the movement." Tom Sowell responds how?
That really is one of the moral outrages. For many kids who come from a very poor background, a decent education is the one thing they have to have to have a better life. And these schools have been absolutely spectacular. A few years ago, on a New York statewide math test, there was an elementary school in Harlem whose students passed at a higher rate than any fourth-grade kids anywhere in the state of New York, we're talking Scarsdale, Briarcliff. The Success Academy schools as a whole pass both the math and English statewide tests at a higher rate than any school district in the entire state of New York. The vast majority of the kids in the Success Academy schools are either Black or Hispanic. If you look at the five highest-scoring school districts in the state, their average family income ranges from four times to more than nine times the family income of the kids in the Success Academy schools. And yet the mayor of New York is doing his darnedest to put a stop to the expansion of these schools. And this is happening all over the country.
Why would Mayor de Blasio have it out for the charter schools?
The teachers' unions are the major reason. The money they contribute, the number of votes they contribute. And there's all kinds of chicanery to prevent the charter schools from expanding. That's why you have tens of thousands on the waiting list. It's not that the charter school isn't willing to expand, but every conceivable obstacle is put in their way. Because if you let that go at the natural pace, it would be very hard for the public schools to compete. And one of the things they're doing is imposing the same restrictions on the charter schools that made the public schools so bad, for example, restrictions on being able to get rid of kids who are running amuck and ruining the education of everybody else. The charter schools don't tolerate that.
So how do we bring back the standards of the Harlem you grew up in? That's a hard thing to do. But we do know how to establish schools where the kids in present-day Harlem have a shot.
You don't have to bring back the past, even if you could, because we have it in the present. We have this happening.
And the Democratic establishment in New York wants to shut it down.
Yes. And the Republican establishment stands mute.
A Gallup poll this summer: the proportion of Americans 18 to 29 who hold a favorable view of capitalism, 45%. Favorable view of socialism, 51%. Here's a brief video of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
I just wanna let you all know how proud I am of each and every single one of you for putting yourselves and your body and everything on the line to make sure that we save our planet, our generation, and our future. We have to get to 100% renewable energy in 10 years. There is no other option.
Tom? To her supporters, to young Americans, what would you say?
I would say get some facts first. Know what you're talking about before you start spouting this kind of stuff. In my new book I suggest a project: in the 1920s the highest tax rate was cut from 73% to 24%, and the argument was, "Oh, this is tax cuts for the rich," that the Secretary of the Treasury did this in support of a trickle-down theory. I suggest a student go read what the Secretary of the Treasury actually said, Andrew Mellon, and then go get the internal revenue official data on who paid how much taxes in the 1920s. And you find that Andrew Mellon said the exact opposite of what is attributed to him in textbooks sold widely for decades. When the tax rate was at 73%, the people making over $100,000 a year, maybe a couple million in today's money, paid 30% of the taxes. After the so-called tax cuts for the rich, they paid 65% of all the taxes. And people with incomes under $5,000 were paying 15% before the tax rate was cut, and after, they paid just under a quarter of 1% of all the taxes. There's all kinds of indignation in scholarly books, not just political propaganda, about how this was a bonanza for the rich. But the facts simply do not matter. They say the word trickle-down, and it's like saying abracadabra, and all the miraculous things follow from that.
Would you close by reading a brief quotation from A Conflict of Visions?
"Logic, of course, is not the only test of a theory. Empirical evidence is crucial, and yet social visions have shown a remarkable ability to evade, suppress, or explain away discordant evidence. Historic evasions of evidence are a warning, not a model. Dedication to a cause may legitimately entail sacrifices of personal interests, but not sacrifices of mind or conscience."
Dr. Thomas Sowell, thank you. For Uncommon Knowledge, the Hoover Institution, and Fox Nation, I'm Peter Robinson.
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